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Labor Day Address
By W. E. FAISON
Greensboro* N. C.
September 4» 1905
Greensboro, K". C, Sept. 4. — The Labor Day Celebration
and parade here to-day was the most successful ever held.
Floats representing every class of trade and industry paraded
the streets until 11* o'clock, hundreds of representatives of
labor unions, appropriately costumed, marched in procession.
Large crowds of home people and visitors witnessed the im-
posing spectacle. After this there was a grand concert at the
At 2 o'clock the Grand Opera House was packed with
people to hear the speeches. Rev. Dr. H. W. Battle opened
with prayer and was followed by an address of welcome from
Mayor Thomas J. Murphy. Mr. W. E. Faison, of Raleigh,
then delivered an admirable address on the dignity, the
power, the responsibility of organized labor, which was fre-
quently applauded and has been highly complimented. After
a short and eloquent address from Mr. A. W. Cooke, the
meeting closed with an invocation from the chaplain, Dr.
Battle. — Special to Raleigh (1ST. C.) News and Observer.
DIGNITY, POWER AND RESPONSIBILITY
OF ORGANIZED LABOR.
Mr. Chairman, Fellow Unionists, Ladies and Gentlemen:
In appearing on this platform to-day as a speaker, I can
not say that I am very glad to be here. Not that I feel no
interest in the cause for which this day is set apart and
celebrated, nor yet because I am not in full sympathy with
everything that tends to advance the cause of the wage-
earner, and more especially the cause of organized labor. But
the reason lies in the fact that I am not a public speaker
by training, and on an occasion like the present I greatly
fear I shall be unable to properly present to this audience
those things for which organized labor stands, and those
things, too, which it opposes.
Organized Labor Misunderstood.
Were I speaking to an assembly of working men it would
be unnecessary to explain many things, or so much as men-
tion others, that before an audience like this must be thor-
oughly discussed. For it has been my observation and ex-
perience during the fifteen years that I have carried the
working card of the Typographical Union, that there is no
other subject of which the general public is so densely ig-
norant as that of organized labor. And so to-day it will be
my object to make clear to you, as best I can, what trades
^ unions are not, as well as what they are.
Labor Humanity's Heritage.
You have all listened to the orator as he eloquently por-
trayed the picture of the boy born in poverty and at the
very bottom of the ladder, and yet fired with an ambition
to attain unto greater things in life, sets his foot upon the
bottom rung of the ladder of fame, performs the most menial
tasks of labor as if in their performance he found his great-
est joy. Slowly, yet surely, he ascends rung after rung, mas-
ters a trade in half the time required by his ambitionless
brother-worker, and before a weaker vessel would have gotten
his bearings as a mechanic, we find this prodigy mastering
a profession— and behold he has scaled the topmost rung
of the ladder of fame!
You have all heard this beautiful story, usually rehearsed
on occasions like the present, and always to gatherings of
working people. And so often have you seen this youth, in
your mind's eye, as he has been presented from time immem-
orial in the beautiful word-painting of the orator, that doubt-
less many of you have come to believe that he actually exists
in flesh and blood. He may ; but it has never been my privi-
lege to meet him.
I would not say one word to-day that might dampen the
ardor of youth in the God-given aspiration to attain unto
better things in this life. I would place no stumbling-block
in the path of the toiler in his struggles with poverty,
buoyed up by the hope of one day reaching the goal of his
ambition — a life of ease and plenty after years of toil and
privation. I am a firm believer in the maxim, "there's al-
ways room at the top" ; and the addition to this maxim, made
by a latter-day philosopher, that "the top is about the only
place where there is any room," is equally true.
Men have risen from the ranks of the low and humble
to prominence in the world. Men have gone out from the
trades into the professions and achieved success. But these
are the exceptions which only prove the rule.
And this brings me to the point which I desire to impress
upon yon to-day — a truth that no amount of sophistry can
change. Pleasing it may not be, and yet it were well that we
appreciate its significance. It is this : That from the beginning
of time until this day — and until time shall be no more —
the great mass of humanity must eat their bread by the
sweat of their face, under the edict of Almighty God. And
of all the forces at work in the world to-day organized labor
is the one agency that has accomplished most for the amelio-
ration of the material condition of the toilers.
Organized Labor Protects the Individual.
f Organized labor means for the worker shorter hours,
larger pay, better conditions, and greater independence.
But we are told that labor unions destroy one's individual-
ity, and our pretended friends preach "individualism," and
| endeavor to show us the beauties of individual contracts and
\ the folly of paying money into the union to be squandered
by venal leaders.
y I am here to tell you, my friends, that organized labor is
conducive to the highest type of individualism. If the in-
I dividualism they preach is so great a virtue, why is it that
our advisers along this line fail to put it into practice ? Why
is it that the great evangel of individualism, one David M.
Parry, finds it necessary to organize his forces ? How is it
that we find him to-day the president of an organization
whose sole object is the destruction of organized labor?
' Organized labor stands for the man, and it does more — ■
it protects him. It is one of the stock arguments of the
enemies of organized labor, that in our scales of prices we
force better workmen to accept the same wage as the less
skilled. And this charge is on a par with the majority of
the arguments made against organized labor. On the con-
trary organized labor fixes the minimum and never the maxi-
mum wage. I do not know how it is in Greensboro, but in
my own trade in Raleigh the larger per cent work at a
wage in excess of the scale of prices as prescribed by the
Labor Leaders are not Corrupt.
Another constant charge of the enemies of organized labor
is that our leaders are corrupt. I have the honor to know
personally the great labor leaders of this country — Sam
Gompers, John Mitchell, James Duncan, Frank Morrison,
James Lynch, and a score of others, and I stand here to-day
and defy any man to produce their superiors from any
walk of life. "No, my friends, if any cause ever had faith-
ful, self-sacrificing, honest, fearless leaders our cause has
them to-day, and has had them in the past, or we would
never have attained unto the position we occupy to-day
against the combined opposition of the forces that make
for human slavery.
But some one asks, "How about Sam Parks?" Only a
few months ago Sam was in the lime-light, every paper in
the country featured Sam with great scare-heads, and held
him up as an awful example of the effect of organized
labor and as a sample of labor leaders. You all recall Sam —
but can you mention a single other ? I can not, though I do
not doubt in the least there are many others. The truth is,
organized labor has not yet made any claim to perfection or
infallibility, and as long as men are human we shall expect
to find sinners even in the "amen corners" of our churches.
But what great crime did Sam Parks commit? They
charged him with accepting a bribe, and sentenced him to
jail. What became of the bribe-giver ? I presume he is still
engaged in the laudable endeavor of crushing out organized
A gentleman over in Milwaukee the other day stole some-
thing like two millions of dollars — and he was actually the
president of the national union of bankers of America. It
was an awful crime for Sam Parks, a "walking delegate" of
a labor union, to accept a bribe of a few hundred dollars,
tendered by a wealthy employer, and the press of the coun-
try and the enemies of organized labor rolled it as a sweet
morsel under their tongues, and organized labor was held
up to ridicule. The bank president walks off with millions,
and no one has yet made it a charge against the bankers' as-
sociation. I take it there are about as many labor union offi-
cials in North Carolina as there are bank officials. How
many bank officials can you recall having gone wrong in
North Carolina during the past few years ? When you have
figured that out, then try to recall the number of union offi-
cials that have gone wrong in the same period of time.
Organization the Order of the Day.
Only a few years ago, and organized labor was practically
1 unknown in North Carolina. To-day we find the leading
/ trades organized in the cities and larger towns, and the work
I has but commenced. The day has happily passed when any
one questions the right of labor to organize, although I can
J well remember, as doubtless can many before me to-day, the
time when it was necessary that we defend even our right
to organize. To-day is a day of organization, and the man
who is a skilled mechanic and yet refuses to align himself
with his fellows in their efforts to better his and their con-
dition is a traitor, and deserves what he generally receives
at the hands of organized workers.
The Strike Labor's Last Resort.
But you ask: "How about strikes?" I believe in strikes.
And I will say further, that no man has any business in the
ranks of organized labor who is not a firm believer in
strikes. I am not here to say that there are not ill-advised
strikes, that there are not strikes where organized labor is in
the wrong. But I do say, and most emphatically, that there
are fewer mistakes made by organized labor along this line
than by the employers. A strike is labor's last resort, and is
never wholly lost, for if it accomplished nothing more, it was
a wholesome lesson to capital that labor, however humble,
was not yet ready to bow in abject servitude.
Organized Labor Wins Oftener than It Loses.
How many of you know anything personally about a
strike, anyhow? Is it not true that all the information you
have about strikes is that gathered from the press reports?
Now let me give you a new standard by which to measure
the enormity of the crimes committed by organized labor as
reported by the press. Did you ever seen the pictures that
are used in a moving-picture machine ? Then have you seen
these same pictures flashed on the canvas enlarged to more
than life-size? The picture goes into the machine only a
few inches in diameter — it appears on the canvas ten feet
high ! The picture as it goes into the machine is the strike
as it really is ; the picture as it appears on the canvas, en-
larged an hundredfold, is the strike as it is portrayed in
the press of the country.
The statistics as gathered by the Departments of Labor of
the several States, those wonderful institutions usually pre-
sided over by one-horse politicians whose every thought is
inimical to the interests of organized labor, actually show
that more than fifty per cent of the strikes in this country
are won by organized labor! But the fact is that more
than seventy-five per cent are won by us. Granting, how-
ever, that we only succeed against the combinations of capi-
tal, the unfriendliness of the press, and in many instances
the bitter opposition of the church, in a little more than half
of our fights for better conditions, is it not a record of which
we can justly feel proud ?
Labor's Greater Conquests.
Our greatest achievements, however, are not the results of
strikes. We accomplish far more by peaceful methods than
could possibly be obtained through strife. When the history
of the great labor movement of to-day is written, it will be
the record of a peaceful conquest which revolutionized the
conditions of the toilers, and accomplished stupendous re-
forms which have blessed mankind, and thus brought us
nearer the recognition and acceptance of that divine truth —
"the Fatherhood of God, and the brotherhood of man."
And, so, when you come to contemplate what is gained by
organized labor without recourse to a strike, you will begin
to appreciate the great work that is being accomplished by
organized labor, and you will begin to recognize in the men
who are the leaders in the labor movement a devotion to
duty and the welfare of their fellow-workers seldom wit-
nessed among men. To illustrate: When I became a mem-
ber of Raleigh Typographical Union the minimum scale was
$14 per week and ten hours per day, and not a half dozen
men received more than the scale. To-day the minimum
scale for hand composition is $15 per week and 8 1-4 hours
(and it will be 8 hours after January 1, 190G), and $1G
per week for day and $18 for night work, at 8 hours per
day on machines, and three-fourths at least receive wages in
excess of the scale. Now, all this was accomplished without
a strike. Does any sane man believe for a moment that it
would have been possible to have accomplished this much
for the printers of Raleigh by any other method than or-
The Friend of Every Reform.
While the primary object of organized labor is, of course,
the bettering of the condition of its members, yet we stand
. for other things that are of vital interest to the whole peo-
ple. Organized labor is a unit for compulsory education, is
most bitterly opposed to the system of child labor as prac-
ticed in the mills of the State, is opposed to immigration, and
is the friend of every reform movement for the uplifting
Compulsory Education and Child Labor
We believe in compulsory education because it means the
taking of the child out of the mill and giving him a common
school education, which will prepare him to take his place
as a citizen and an intelligent worker.
Child labor in North Carolina must be abolished. Baby
hands and baby feet are chained and helpless. How long
shall the cry of the defenseless little toiler be unheard ? The
forces that make for human slavery — child slavery; that
would "grind up the seed-corn" ; that would cast a withering
blight upon the minds and bodies, yea, the very souls of in-
nocent childhood, and condemn them to a life — short, indeed,
it will be, but long enough to reap the fearful curse of ig-
norance, disease and servile dependence, are indeed strong
in North Carolina — strong enough to control Legislatures,
to violate their own agreements, and to defy the written law.
Strong enough, too, to muzzle to a great extent the press, and
its influence even reaches into the pulpit and finds a de-
We are irrevocably committed to compulsory education.
Vote for no man to represent you in the Legislature who
puts the dollar above the man, and therefore sees no wrong
in child slavery.
The leaven has already begun to work. A number of towns
and cities as well as counties in North Carolina now have com-
pulsory school laws by special acts of the Legislature. Raleigh
township, in which is located the capital of the State, is under
a compulsory school law, and the day is not far distant when
we will have a general compulsory school law for the entire
State, and free text-books for the children too poor to buy
The Curse of Foreign Immigration.
Organized labor is opposed to foreign immigration. The
last Legislature placed its seal of disapproval upon the
proposition to establish an immigration bureau for North
Carolina, and it acted most wisely. But there were those
who were not satisfied with this action of the Legislature,
and a mighty effort has been and still is being put forth,
through the State Agricultural Department, to force upon
the people of North Carolina the criminal hordes of Europe.
They tell us that they will only secure the desirable classes
who will work on the farms and make good citizens, and to
this end they have flooded the State with circulars asking
the farmers to make application for such labor as they need.
And after an exhaustive campaign for the past six months,
the secretary of the department gives out the startling in-
formation that he has had applications from the entire State
for fifty immigrants. I presume this order was turned down
as they only furnish this class of labor in car-load lots. This
should put an effective quietus on the immigration question
so far as North Carolina is concerned. But it will not, for
there are those who seem determined to inject into the purest
American citizenship in this country to-day, the citizenship
of a State whose proudest boast should be that only two-
tenths of one per cent of her entire population is foreign
born, the deadly virus of an old-world civilization.
The Cry of Greed.
The great cry raised by these promoters of immigration
is the "scarcity of labor." This is the cry of greed. There is
enough labor in North Carolina to supply all the demand
that may be created, and if by any possible chance there
should be a shortage in the labor supply there are thousands
of American-born citizens willing and anxious to come to
us. And here we come face to face with the real issue — that
of wages rather than laborers. A standard of wages that
makes possible but the bare necessities of life will ever force
the American citizen to seek other fields of labor. Raise the
standard of wages to a point where the laborer may enjoy a
few, at least, of the comforts of life and educate his children,
and the Old North State will bloom as a rose. Fail in this,
and we will continue to witness the annual exodus of our
own people to more fertile fields.
The Threat of Capital.
But all this is to be remedied by cheap foreign labor, they
tell us. Only the other day I read in one of our leading
dailies an interview with a capitalist, in which he said if
the time ever came when the mill labor of the State should
rebel against their long, tedious hours of toil, and their short,
scanty pay, their places would be immediately filled by
cheap, foreign labor, as had already been done in the mills
of New England. It will be a dark day for North Carolina
when the hordes of cheap foreign labor cross her borders. I
have seen this class at their best and at their worst in the
anthracite regions of Pennsylvania, in the manufacturing
centers of New England and in the slums of our great cities.
And I say to you to-day, that taking them at their very best,
their standards of living, to say nothing of the other ele-
ments to go to make good citizens, are far below that of the
most illiterate and lowly of our own American-born citizen-
Degradation, Vice, Treason and Anarchy.
There is yet another feature of this question that should
receive the consideration of the "powers that be." We have
eliminated the negro as a factor in politics; shall we now
inject into our citizenship the germs of degradation, vice,
treason and anarchy?
Little Fear of Foreign Invasion.
Candidly, I have little fear of the Old North
State ever being cursed with foreign immigration.
Those who would make good citizens and whom we would
they came, and they settle in the great Northwest and Can-
ada, and not one in 10,000 ever has or will find his way to
North Carolina. Those we do not want, and please God
we will not have, come from Southern Europe, and herd amid
the crime, disease and corruption of our great centers of
population. We should thank God to-day that we have no
large cities to draw, as magnets, this "froth of the pit."
Political Action the Only Remedy.
And now I come to the discussion of a subject that most
vitally affects the laboring classes of this State, and especi-
ally organized labor. For years I have consistently advised
the workers to steer clear of partisan politics, for this is the
rock upon which many another reform movement has met
its doom. But we can not, if we would, longer blind our-
selves to the fact that in a government like ours, where the
people are the sovereigns, if we ever hope to bring about the
reforms for which we stand, we must take a hand in politics.
Let me give you a few pointers: There are to-day in the
ranks of organized labor in North Carolina more men by
far than are to be found in the professions and all the busi-
ness callings combined. In the ranks of labor, organized and
unorganized, is the great mass of the citizenship of the State,
not even exceeded in numbers by the farmer. Now, where
arejiie at politically? How is this, the largest class of citi-
zenship in the State, represented in its government? In
all the varied departments of our State government, among
the boards of our numerous institutions, from the
heads of the departments and institutions down to and in-
cluding the janitors, how is this great class of our citizen-
ship represented ? By one lone man , B. R. Lacy, the State
Treasurer. And how did he get there? I will tell you.
The working people of North Carolina put him there, and
if they are alive to their interests and would show their
appreciation of the best friend they have to-day, and the
only friend they "have at court," they will put him in the
Governor's chair in 1908.
The Labor Department a Farce and an Insult.
There is a department of our State government which was
created about twenty years ago at the demand of the labor-
ing classes, that we might have a representative at the seat
of government, and for the special purpose of bringing about
the reforms for which we stand. And in all these years who
have been the men who have presided over the Labor Bu-
reau of North Carolina ? A lawyer, a school teacher, a
farmer, and at only one time have we had a representative
of organized labor as Commissioner, and then in the person
of Hon. B. R. Lacy. And this department is to-day presided
over by one unfitted by every possible standard to represent
the honest toilers of North Carolina, a standing insult to the
intelligence and integrity of the wage-earners of North Caro-
What are You Going to do About It?
What are you going to do about it? With you is the
power to change the present condition of things. Will you
do it? Are you satisfied with being so completely ignored
that but one, single, solitary representative of yours succeeds
in landing in any place of honor or trust throughout the en-
tire system of our State government? I think not.
Some one is going to say, "O, yes, Faison is after a polit-
ical job." Well, suppose I am. One thing is certain — I
can never get it under present conditions, and if I get it at
all it must come through a revolution set on foot by the men
who do the voting, and therefore have the right to name men
for the offices. But the truth is, I have held office, and but
for the fact that the time came when I must either sacrifice
character or resign, I might be holding one to-day.
And now, my fellow unionists, in conclusion I want to
say to you that you represent a great class of the citizen-
ship of this State — a class which has ever been the bulwark
of the liberties of the people; a class that in peace and war
has ever been the strength and support of our government.
The vast majority of you must ever remain toilers ; few may
hope to gather great wealth or attain unto positions of power
and influence. But you have it in your power to make bet-
ter conditions for those who come after you, by standing
ilrmly on the platform as enunciated by organized labor.
Hold sacred your obligations to your brother toilers, assert
your rights as men — and ever remember that character alone
is l.'.e supreme test.
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